Opinion: Suppressing student protests: It’s about Palestinian erasure, not antisemitism

Pro-Palestinian protesters clasp their hands as a University of Chicago police officer holds onto a barricade  on May 7.

Pro-Palestinian protesters clasp their hands as a University of Chicago police officer holds onto a barricade on May 7. Charles Rex Arbogast/ AP

A passer-by, right, uses a mobile device to record a barrier with placards at an pro-Palestinian encampment of tents on the campus of Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Tuesday, May 7, 2024, in Cambridge, Mass. Students at MIT set up the encampment to protest what they said was MIT's failure to call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and to cut ties to Israel's military. (AP Photo/Steven Senne)

A passer-by, right, uses a mobile device to record a barrier with placards at an pro-Palestinian encampment of tents on the campus of Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Tuesday, May 7, 2024, in Cambridge, Mass. Students at MIT set up the encampment to protest what they said was MIT's failure to call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and to cut ties to Israel's military. (AP Photo/Steven Senne) Steven Senne

By ROBERT AZZI

Published: 05-11-2024 6:00 AM

Robert Azzi is a photographer and writer who lives in Exeter. His columns are archived at robertazzitheother.substack.com

‘For over half a century, Israel’s strategic dilemma has been its inability to erase the Palestinians, on one hand, and its unwillingness to grant them civil and political rights, on the other,” Nathan Thrall, who just won the 2024 Pulitzer Prize for general nonfiction, wrote in “A Day in the Life of Abed Salama.”

“Explaining his opposition to giving Palestinians in the West Bank the same rights as Palestinian citizens of Israel, [former deputy prime minister] Abba Eban said that there was a limit to the amount of arsenic the human body could absorb,” Thrall continued. “Between the two poles of mass expulsion and political inclusion, the unhappy compromise Israel found was to fragment the Palestinian population, ensuring that its scattered pieces could not organize as one national collective.”

Today, those Potemkin-inspired poles have collapsed, and those scattered pieces — fragmented within the Israeli-occupied territories of East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank, as well as throughout a worldwide Palestinian diaspora — are fusing together, supported by an expanding pro-Palestinian solidarity movement rising to try to counter not only the genocide of the Palestinian people within their homeland but the erasure of their cultural and historical narrative.

An erasure in order to re-fortify a myth that Palestine was a land without a people available for occupation by a people without a land.

On New Year’s Day in 1972, I’m pretty sure it was 1972, I was arrested in Cairo, Egypt while taking photographs of anti-government student protests at Ain Shams University.

I, a non-student, was charged with inciting the riots and protests. Fortunately, due to the intervention of diplomats from the American Embassy and from editors at Newsweek, for whom I was on assignment, my incarceration was brief.

The next day, after being released, I went to photograph Mohamed Heikal, the editor-in-chief of the Egyptian newspaper Al-Ahram. When his secretary introduced us he recognized my name and as we were shaking hands he smiled and asked, “You’re the American who was arrested for causing trouble at our universities?”

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“Yes, sir.”

I was the inciter.

That memory came to mind as I was reading absurd speculations — increasingly prevalent — about how the encampments, protests, and demonstrations roiling American campuses must be the work of outside agitators and foreign interests, from George Soros to Qatar, who are both brainwashing naïve American students and threatening the security and safety of students who don’t support the protests, especially those who are Jewish and/or Zionists.

How easy it is to blame outside agitators. How easy, if you have privilege and power, to avoid being held responsible; how easy to blame pesky brown people in strange lands who (mostly) are neither Christian nor Jewish; people who believe, as I do, that the American government is complicit in the war crimes that the settler-colonial state of Israel is waging against the Palestinian people.

How easy it is to avoid recognizing that, as Rashid Khalidi, the Edward Said Professor of Modern Arab Studies at Columbia, said: “This is the conscience of a nation, speaking through your kids, through young people, who are risking their futures, who are risking suspension, expulsion, criminal arrest, in order to wake people up in this country.”

All this rather than consider, as I do, that the protests that have now occurred on over 150 American campuses, over 50 of which have called in armed forces with over 2,500 arrests, while often unruly, are legitimate expressions of support for freedom and justice not just for Palestinians but for all oppressed and occupied peoples.

Today, I don’t believe what we are seeing today is just about quelling student protests, protests that demand that universities call for an end to the war and review their investments in Israel and collaborations with its military. It’s about American universities and colleges becoming increasingly complicit in the disenfranchisement and marginalization of the Palestinian people, both as a people and as a memory.

Globally, physical suppression of college students is not uncommon. During my lifetime it has been seen, not only at Ain Shamsbut in so many lands, including Chile, Egypt, El Salvador, Iraq, Syria, and today all across America, where at Columbia University President Minouche Shafik called upon riot police — perhaps re-imagining the Egyptian military model used to suppress dissent in her native land — to crush protests at one of the most elite education institutions in America, and where at UCLA law enforcement stood by and permitted violent attacks of peaceful protestors.

Even though, today as I write, the Guardian is reporting that “... nearly all Gaza campus protests in the U.S. have been peaceful” and “... analysis of 553 protests in solidarity with Palestinians between 18 April and 3 May found 97% of them did not cause serious damage ... Over the same period, Acled documented at least 70 instances of forceful police intervention against US campus protests, which includes the arrest of demonstrators and the use of physical dispersal tactics, including chemical agents, batons and other kinds of physical force.”

In Gaza, nothing is off limits to Israeli predation. Genocide, famine, and the cultural and ethnic cleansing of Palestine continues to this moment. Every university in Gaza has been destroyed. Refugee camps, libraries, mosques, churches, schools, galleries, bookstores and national historical archives have been targeted and bombed.

Since Israel embarked on its most recent campaign of erasure it has dropped nearly 250,000 tons of mostly American-made explosives on Gaza. Hospitals, health care centers, even roads and agricultural crops and greenhouses have been targeted.

Thousands are missing among the ruins.

Bodies of children starved to death are being buried. Artists, writers, teachers, academics, doctors, poets, and journalists targeted and murdered. Little is left of Gaza’s centuries-old cultural and historical institutions and soon, if Israel has its way, there will be no one left in Gaza to remember them.

Foreign aid volunteer workers targeted and murdered in Gaza get eulogized at Washington’s National Cathedral. Targeted and murdered Palestinians, victims of snipers or of America’s 2,000-pound bombs get buried in shrouds in mass graves.

These are all acts of extinction, all deliberately calculated not just to counteract the Palestinian narrative but to extinguish the Palestinian narrative, to eliminate the Palestinian people both from their historic homeland and from the conscience of Western politicians, pundits, institutionalists, and clergy who stand by piously wringing their hands while protecting their fellow collaborators.

Meanwhile, one of the final stages of erasure may be unfolding in Washington.

Last week the House of Representatives overwhelmingly approved, with NH’s representatives Kuster and Pappas joining the lynching, the Antisemitism Awareness Act (H.R. 6090), a “bill which would codify, for the purpose of enforcing federal civil rights law in higher education, a definition of antisemitism that includes rejection of Israel as a Jewish state.”

The bill relies on a definition of antisemitism adopted by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance and promoted by the ADL, a bill described by the ACLU as “an effort to stifle criticism of Israel.”

I was a fan of Rep. Jamie Raskin, a House Democrat and former constitutional law professor until this week when he succumbed to pro-Israeli pressure to vote for the bill he knows is flawed.

I’m as done with him as I am with Present Biden.

Upon voting for the bill, a bill vigorously opposed by Ken Stern, one of the lead drafters behind the IHRA definition of antisemitism, Raskin wrote a cowardly statement explaining the problems with the bill at length: “... it seems unlikely that this meaningless ‘gotcha’ legislation can help much — but neither can it hurt much, and it may now bring some people despairing over manifestations of antisemitism a sense of consolation.”

Consolation for whom, oppressors or the occupied?

In retrospect, the Egyptians treated me, over 50 years ago, more respectfully than universities and their accomplices, including local police, have treated the students, and fellow Americans, who are challenging the decades-old narrative that Israel can do no wrong.

Laws aren’t designed to bring consolation. Laws are supposed to serve justice, especially for the weak and the vulnerable. Laws are supposed to serve all equally — that includes the Other.

That includes the Other.